Since Hammarskjold, the UN has most contributed to rogue states legitimacy. In 1975, when the Afric

Therefore, it can be refreshing to read how historians from other countries, free from Swedish nationalist blinkers, describes Hammarskjöld and his impact at on how this international community is working now. Paul Johnson write eg in "Modern Times":
"One can not imagine a worse choice [ie Hammarskjöld at as Secretary-General]. He came from a prominent ämbetsmannafamilj in a country where they were embarrassingly aware that it has reached an incredible wealth by staying outside the two world wars. He was the remorse personalized and was determined that the West would give him absolution. He was a tight, well-read, humorfri and unmarried (though not gay: 'In Hammarskjöld's life sexuality played little or no role' writes his official cinema), and he radiated secular religiosity. It was characteristic of him, and for the advanced 1950s her husband, at which he faithfully reflected that he transformed the old meditation room in the UN, a simple and unpretentious space, to a dark and dramatic cave, with a striking perspective and lighting and with a large iron block in the middle, lit by a single vertical beam of light. What symbolized the? Perhaps the relative moral perception. Hammarskjold referred obvious that cutting the umbilical cord that connected the UN with the old Western alliance from the war, and to keep the organization in what he regarded as the new righteousness which now appeared at in the world: the 'non-aligned' nations. "
"Hammarskjold [did] little regard for the life, black or white, he compromised. Cold, isolated, consumed by a fierce ambition disguised as idealism took his thoughts in the form of political abstractions, leaving the people outside. He formulated what became a typical UN hypocrisy: it was an international concern and a threat to peace on white killing Africans (as in Sharpeville, South Africa March 21, 1960), but about Africans killing Africans (and Africans killed Asians) were it is a purely internal matter which was outside the UN powers. Thus identified the UN with a form of inverted racism, that would cost innumerable lives of Africans over the next twenty years. Already on Hammarskjöld's time were harvested amounts of casualties. His UN army became a source at of further instability, not vice versa. His protege Lumumba tried to establish at their own state, fell into the Congolese army's hands, now under the command of a former non-commissioned officer 'General' Mobutu, was submitted to katanganeserna and murdered on January 17 to 18, 1961. The end of this värdelöse bandit, responsible for thousands of deaths, described Hammarskjöld as "a heinous crime against the principles for which this organization stands'. In fact, it was just a meaningless episode in a long power struggle. The Secretary-General lost its emotional coolness and became obsessed with a desire to avenge the king's death that he had failed to put on the throne by availing its UN troops to expel the whites from Katanga and replace its regime. It could be called the first example of imperialism during the international bureaucracy guise. But in the meantime, he made the mistake of leaving his UN office abstract at pretend at realm and descend into Kongobäckenets real world. It cost him his life. His aircraft collided with a tree near Ndola in September, 1961. "
Since Hammarskjold, the UN has most contributed to rogue states legitimacy. In 1975, when the African-Asian-Arab and Soviet blocs formed the majority, for example, might Ugandan dictator Idi Amin to deliver a speech before the General Assembly in which he called for genocide, which responded with a standing ovation.
Paulina Neuding also in magazine Neo No. 5 in 2010 wrote about how, for example Gaddafi at Libya had to sit in the UN Human Rights Council, and block stories at about the dictatorship of abuse and torture. at
We are a few who know how it happened ....
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